Today at midday, the German Foreign Minister A. Baerbock issued a statement in the wake of yesterday’s events in the White House. I personally don’t like her, but because she spoke a lot of truth, I’ll overlook that and post her statement here. Maybe someone will be interested in reading it.
Many of you will have had a restless night after seeing the unspeakable videos from the White House - I certainly did. Unfortunately, this was not a bad dream but a harsh reality. Our horror today is greater than ever, but so is our commitment to the people of Ukraine, our own security, and peace in Europe.
Last night underscored that a new era of ruthlessness has begun.
A ruthless time in which we must defend the rules-based international order and the power of law more than ever against the power of the strong. Otherwise, no free country with a stronger neighbor can ever sleep peacefully again.
This development has been looming for some time. That is why we have long been working on strengthened alliances with all those in the world who are willing to continue standing up for a rules-based international order and the power of law instead of the law of the strongest.
We, as Europeans, must take the lead more strongly than ever and stand up decisively for our interests and international law - without ifs or buts.
For us, it is crystal clear: We stand firmly by the sovereign and free Ukraine. Ukraine is part of free and democratic Europe.
There is no doubt in this war against Ukraine about who the brutal aggressor is and who the courageous defender is - who the perpetrator is and who the victim is.
Three years ago, Putin’s Russia launched an illegal war of aggression against Ukraine, violating international law without cause. It murdered people in horrific ways, brutally raped women, abducted children, and tore parents from their children. And this terror continues to this day.
Just recently, in Bucha, not far from Kyiv, a well-known Ukrainian journalist was killed by a drone in her own home. This ongoing air war continues every day and night without pause.
That is why I say clearly, across the Atlantic: What is right and what is wrong must never be indifferent to us. No one desires and longs for peace more than the people of Ukraine.
The diplomatic efforts of the United States are, of course, important.
But such a peace must be just and lasting - not merely a pause until Russia’s next attack. No one should be mistaken about who the enemy is. He sits solely in the Kremlin, not in Kyiv or Brussels.
We can never accept a reversal of perpetrator and victim. Such a reversal is the opposite of security.
It is the opposite of peace - and therefore cannot be a good deal.
A reversal of perpetrator and victim would mean the end of international law and, with it, the end of security for most states.
And if taken to its logical conclusion, it would be disastrous for the future of the United States. Because hardly any country could continue to rely on the credibility of the world’s oldest democracy and strongest military power if such a reversal were allowed to happen.
We do not want that. We want to preserve the transatlantic partnership and our shared strength. But yesterday made one thing clearer than ever: We Europeans, especially as transatlantic partners, must not be naïve. We must stand up for our own interests, our own values, and our own security—for the people of Europe.
Six key elements are now central:
First, we must expand Germany’s support for Ukraine once again—and without delay. I therefore call on all democratic parties represented in the Bundestag to immediately release the blocked €3 billion in aid for Ukraine.
Second, next Thursday, the European Council—Europe’s heads of state and government—will meet in Brussels. Decisions must be made there for a comprehensive European financial package for Ukraine, covering humanitarian, economic, and, above all, defense support.
Third, we must finally act in true coordination with our close partners—especially France, the United Kingdom, and Poland. Not only should we consult, but we must take steps together—nothing should divide us. This applies to strengthening Ukraine’s air defenses as well as delivering long-range weapons for defense.
These three elements will help Ukraine continue to withstand Russian aggression—even without the now-announced cuts or potential cuts to U.S. support—in order to achieve a just peace rather than a surrender.
Fourth, our best defense against Putin’s aggression is a united European strength. Only this will create and secure peace in Europe. Otherwise, Putin’s troops could soon be at the gates of the Baltic states or even directly at the borders of our Polish neighbors.
We cannot continue to ignore this reality. That is why the European Council must also make decisions for massive investments in our collective European defense capabilities.
I am therefore pushing with all my strength for the European Council to facilitate this through the flexibilization of the Stability and Growth Pact. However, for some states with already high national debt and limited budgetary leeway, this will not be enough. We must, as Europeans, also discuss a European defense fund that matches the scale of the challenges we face.
But we cannot stop there. More must and will follow in the coming months—both nationally and at the European level. At the latest, at the NATO summit in The Hague, we must send a strong signal of European determination.
Fifth, for me, this also means that we, as democrats in Germany, must come together to discuss a fundamental reform of the debt brake—just as outlined in the National Security Strategy two and a half years ago. I am aware that a renewed special fund is also being debated. But experience has shown that this is the worse option.
A special fund does not help Ukraine and cannot be used for all areas crucial to our defense—such as measures against hybrid attacks or cyber threats. We made it clear in the National Security Strategy what this ongoing hybrid warfare means for our security: Hybrid attacks aim to divide our free and democratic society.
That means investments in our infrastructure, in social cohesion, and in our democracy are also investments in our security. Because Putin has repeatedly made clear—especially in recent years—that one of the key goals of his hybrid warfare is the division of Europe’s liberal and free societies.
Sixth, even though this is the most heated moment since the end of the Cold War, we must continue to act with composure and a cool head. This also means seeing investments in European security as investments in our transatlantic relations. A lasting peace for Ukraine is more likely with Washington than without or against it.
In all of this, one thing is clear: We have no time to lose. We must act quickly—both at the European and national levels. We cannot wait for a new German government to be formed, because the situation is urgent.
At this historic crossroads, Germany must take leadership. In the transition weeks in Berlin, all democratic parties should coordinate closely between the outgoing and the incoming government.
The world is watching us—especially in Europe. But no one in the world is waiting for us to conclude negotiations in Germany.
We live in uncertain times. But if, in these moments and in these days, we once again make the right decisions—just as we did three years ago—then Europe will show what it truly stands for: a strong peace project.
Peace in freedom for its millions of citizens.
A peace project that radiates outward into the world.
Slava Ukraini—long live Europe.
Thank you very much.